Friday 14 September 2018

15 Student Politicians Murdered in 15 years (1985 – 2000) at Tejgaon Polytechnic Institute in Dhaka, Bangladesh



            The foot-soldiers in this democratic war are the students. It was a group of students that – with assistance from western donors – overthrew the last dictator, General Ershad. Tellingly, General Ershad had no student body in his political machinery. A violent student army is essential for political parties to survive the agitation of the opposition.

15 Students Murdered at Tejgaon Polytechnic Institute (Dhaka) in 15 years (1985 – 2000)
YEAR
STUDENT KILLED
POLITICAL AFFILIATION
MURDERED AT
AGE
2000
Zahid
Leader, Bangladesh Chatra League (BCL)
Hostel
below 18
1999
Sohel
Elected general secretary of students’ union in 1997
Near hostel
below 18
1998
Sajal
President, BCL unit
Campus
below 18
1996
Riyad
Convener, BCL unit of institute
In front of hostel
below 18
1995
Mizanur Rahman
Convener, Jatiyabadi Chatra Dal (JCD)
Within 200 yards of hostel
below 18
1992
Shakil Ahmed
General Secretary, JCD unit
Dormitory
below 18
1992
Rab
JCD leader
Campus
below 18
1992
Shahabuddin
JCD leader
Campus
 below 18
1987
Sharif Hossain
General secretary, student union
In front of hostel
below 18
1985
Miniruzzaman Munir and 5 other activists
Leader and members of Jatiya Chatra Samaj
Campus
below 18

            In microcosm, the Tejgaon Polytechnic Institute’s  recent history of killings and revenge-killings among students illustrates the national problem. The students are used by political leaders to collect huge amounts of money through extortion: these are known as ‘tolls’. They are collected under duress from shops, businesses and local residents. Part of the money finds its way to the political parties and part is used to finance the reckless, high-spending, drug-filled lifestyle of stressed-out students who know they won’t live long. And we’re talking about students who are too young to vote – the age at which students pass from the institute is 18 - and yet carry guns and use them regularly. A further point to notice is that none of the students after the mid-80s belonged to General Ershad’s political party, the Jatiya Party. Whatever the demerits of the General, he preferred to deploy men with guns rather than boys with guns.
            Imagine, then, a network of lawless young men, protected by the two parties for their services during hartals and agitation – in short, two private armies – and you can piece together the jigsaw of seemingly inexplicable criminal acts as the throwing of acid on women.

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